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The influence of Syrian-Lebanese Jews in Argentina
During the period 1890 to 1930 the docks of the port of Buenos Aires witnessed the arrival of spirited Sephardim from the former Ottoman Empire. The pioneers of this mass movement were small groups arriving at the end of the 19th century from North Africa and later increasing numbers would flock from the Eastern Mediterranean.
Many of them entered with Turkish passports, which led to them calling ethnic minorities of very different origins "Turks": Sephardic, Greek, Armenian, Syrian-Lebanese, etc., who also professed different religions: Islam, Christianity or Judaism . If we analyze the Sephardic Jews, according to the censuses, the largest volume of immigrants corresponds to those who departed from two regions: Asia Minor, especially Smyrna, who speaks djudezmo (interchangeably called Ladino, Judeo-Spanish, Old Castilian, Spanish, Spanish, etc.) and Syria: Arabic-speaking Damascus and Aleppo.
Villa Crespo and cultural diversity
These "Turks" soon settled in a rectangle adjacent to the port of Buenos Aires made up of several blocks along Reconquista and 25 de Mayo streets and delimited approximately by Corrientes and Paraguay streets, a few blocks from Plaza de Mayo. where the Casa Rosada, headquarters of the National Government, stands, and in peripheral neighborhoods not far from the Riachuelo (1). The Spanish-speaking Sephardic Jews had their first institutions in the downtown area and in 1905 they founded their first Temple on Calle 25 de Mayo; three years later they created the Ladies Commission "El Socorro", to help those most in need.
The evolution of the downtown area would cause more expensive properties and rents, which is why it was necessary to look for cheaper places. It is interesting here to highlight that one of the characteristics of the Judeo-Spanish community was that, even though they had the language in common, they were grouped by neighborhoods according to the regions from which they came.
In general, the emigrants from Turkey and the Balkans were concentrated in Villa Crespo, some five or six kilometers away from the center, within the same city, where there was already an important conglomeration of Ashkenazi Jews living with the first Creole, Italian and Spanish people. They also settled in the neighborhoods of Constitución, Once, Flores, Floresta, Colegiales, Belgrano, and so on.
Villa Crespo belonged in its beginnings to the area of the suburb; by 1880 it existed as extensive swampy grasslands that included a few scattered farms.
In the middle of that decade the National Footwear Factory would arrive, which was originally located in the center of the city and saw fit to acquire some 30 hectares in this practically uninhabited area, with cheap land and a nearby stream, the Maldonado, useful for dumping industrial waste. Its manager, Salvador Benedit, would give impetus to the place with this rapidly expanding industry that responded to the formidable demand for footwear derived from the vertiginous population increase.
This significant "pole of attraction" for those seeking employment favored and characterized the conformation of the new neighborhood whose name comes from the surname of the Intendente (mayor) of the City of Buenos Aires, Antonio Crespo, who in 1887 sponsored the inauguration of the aforementioned company by participating in laying the foundation stone.
First they housed the employees in their buildings, then in a large tenancy house built for this purpose, known as the conventillo El Nacional (2) a few meters from their central offices, and as it became necessary, lots were promoted for the purchase. on credit of small plots for the construction of workers' houses. However, in the following years this process led to the appearance, around the founding factory nucleus, of small tenancies that housed several families.
In such a way, the neighborhood grew and established itself with a varied population that arrived anxiously looking for a better future.
Alberto Vacarezza would be inspired by the tenement El Nacional in Villa Crespo for his famous sainete “El Conventillo de La Paloma” which, premiered in 1929 and with unusual success –more than a thousand performances–, exhibited on stage the new archetypes that coexisted in it. : Tano (Italian), Galician (Spanish), Russian (Ashkenazi Jew), Turk (Sephardic Jew and other ethnic groups from the Ottoman Empire), etc.
According to the 1936 census, of the 2,415,142 inhabitants of the Federal Capital, 120,000 were of Jewish origin (5%) and of these about thirty thousand (25%) lived in Villa Crespo. 87% of this immigration came from Eastern Europe and to a lesser extent from Central Europe (Yiddish-speaking Ashkenazi Jews). The rest (approximately 13%), called Sephardic, came mainly from Syria and Lebanon (speaks: Arabic) and Turkey (speaks: “djudezmo”); other smaller groups arrived from Palestine, Egypt, Greece, Bulgaria, Morocco, Spain and Portugal, speaking both Arabic and Djudezmo as well as modern Spanish.
In light of these figures, it is clear that, after the founding stage, the neighborhood passed into a second moment framed by a sustained population growth, coinciding with the arrival of the aforementioned migrations and that, once this period had passed, a important Jewish presence. However, it was very far from forming a ghetto because diversity was building a unique space of cultural richness rare elsewhere. Still, Villa Crespo has been referred to as a “Hebrew neighborhood”.
To the initial stage of the suburb, the humble houses, the tango and the “compadritos” (3), the Jewish contribution was added that made the social space more heterogeneous, changes that some sectors lamented, despite the fact that these transformations, by inevitable , finally they were not resisted. One of the stanzas of a tango by Alfredo Tagle Lara echoed the transition towards diversity and the nostalgia for the times gone by, putting “handsome Requena” in the mouth, a character who for his misdeeds spent a long time in jail and returns to your home:
You are no longer the Villa Crespo of other times when the Puppet, Olegario, Pata 'e Palo and Almanzor embroidered a handkerchief that today a people of Jews has ripped from you without fear.
Leopoldo Marechal, a writer who, perhaps, heard the whisper of different muses, described in his work The Battle of José Luna: “Among the thousand cities that down (on earth) perfume the ether with the smoke from their chimneys there is one: it is called Buenos Aires. Is it better or worse than others? Neither better nor worse. However, men have built an ineffable neighborhood there, which goes by the name of Villa Crespo ”(4).
1 Denomination that receives the lower course of the La Matanza river in the section that establishes the southern limit of the Federal Capital until its mouth in the Río de la Plata.
2 A tenement is a building structured from an open corridor where housing units are aligned. Its two entrances are through Thames 139/147 and Serrano 148/156 streets. The conventillo el Nacional owes its name to the fact that it was built by the National Footwear Factory.
3 Provocative and quarrelsome person, affected in their manners and dress.
4 Marechal, Leopoldo. The battle of José Luna. University Publishing House. Santiago de Chile. 1970.
Article written by the journalist Carlos Szwarcer, published by the magazine Raíces Nº 62. Year XIX. March 2005. Sefarad Editores. Madrid Spain. Fte The Night Viewpoint
Distribution in the Argentine territory
Carlos J. Fernández in his work "Relative truths" adds more in this regard:
Our famous "Turkies" have not been such, or perhaps not in the administrative number of their entry into the country. Most of them from the former Ottoman Empire and made up of Arabs, Lebanese and Syrians, Christians and Muslims, were received in the port of Buenos Aires by the Turkish Consulate, the only one existing at that time, even though we can point out that by 1860 they had already Some arrived and others had infiltrated the ships of the Spanish conquerors, after the decline of civilization in Muslim Spain.
It would be mainly the trade that would have to distinguish them, especially in northern provinces such as Tucumán, Santiago del Estero, Salta, La Rioja, Catamarca, where the surnames of that origin are of an important presence in any of the activities, many of them reaching occupy a privileged place within the social and political fabric of the country. But they have also had a special participation in other provinces such as Córdoba, the Northeast, Cuyo and La Patagonia, without neglecting Buenos Aires, its Greater Buenos Aires and the interior of the Province, where we always have to find shops of the community.
In addition to their work presence, their cultural participation has been very important, creating and participating in numerous institutions, the majority known as “Syrian Lebanese” even when it is pointed out that this is a conceptualization error.
Among others, we can point out the Banco Sirio Libanés del Río de la Plata, which later became the Banco Crédito Rural Argentino, the Hospital Sirio Libanés de Buenos Aires, the defunct newspaper Sirio Libanés, the Fundación Cedros, the Association of Lebanese Ladies, the Akarense Association, the Argentine Lebanese Chamber of Commerce, the Lebanese Club of Buenos Aires and each of the “Sirio Libanés” associations that exist in each of our towns in the cities and in the interior.
It is estimated that more than a million Lebanese descendants live in Argentina, most of whom have integrated into the life of the country.
Even when they are scattered throughout our territory such as Rosario, Córdoba, Santa Fe, Corrientes, La Plata, Bahía Blanca, Mendoza or Mar del Plata, eighty percent reside in the City of Buenos Aires, in its paradigmatic neighborhoods such as Once, Villa Crespo and Flores and in Greater Buenos Aires.
The community has about seventy educational institutions, fifty-six synagogues belonging to the conservative movement, but there are also five other Orthodox and one reformist. Both Ashkenazis and Sephardim maintain their own synagogues and religious institutions. They also have their sports institutions, among the best known the Hebraica, Hacoaj and Macabi.
The Jewish-Syrian communities have created transnational social and institutional networks (between New York, Mexico, São Paulo and Buenos Aires as prominent nodes), preserving the references of Aleppo and Damascus in their memories and focusing on Jerusalem as a spiritual center, with its yeshivot (rabbinical seminaries) and an academic center at the Hebrew University.
By presenting the members of the Jewish-Syrian communities as “Jewish Argentines with roots in Syria,” a perspective is reiterated that deconstructs the actors' own self-definition, as Jews or as Sephardic, specifically Khalabim (Aleppo) or Shawam (Damascene). Subsuming them into the set of Arabic-speaking communities, which also include Syrian-Lebanese Muslims and Christians and other immigrants from Arab countries, an unusual angle is presented at least in contemporary Jewish studies but which emphasizes the fact that Until the greater adherence to Zionism and support for the State of Israel proclaimed in 1948, Jews of Syrian origin were - institutionally at least - linked to Syrian-Lebanese entities in Argentina.
From the beginning of the 20th century they concentrated their efforts on achieving a rapid economic ascent, privileging commercial activities before university careers to promote this upward social mobility. Community ties were strengthened on the basis of mutual and religious entities, ethnic-religious inbreeding, and business alliances.
Its leaders manifested orientations whose policies were marked by tensions between the poles of tradition and modernity, openness and closure, and greater or lesser integration into Argentina.
Although the mass of Syrian Sephardic immigrants in Argentina kept a rather traditional observance, their leaderships were converging with Ashkenazi sectors defined from outside as “orthodox”, but self-designated “raigales” or shomré-mitzvot, that is, “observers of the precepts "
Three leading personalities of the Jewish-Syrian communities took center stage in the relationship with different political regimes in contemporary Argentina. This is Rabbi Amram Blum -Grand Rabbi of the Sephardic Congregation Yesod Hadath, originally from Aleppo, between 1947 and 1953-, Sion Cohen Imach, president of DAIA (Delegation of Israelite Associations Argentina) in the final years of the last military dictatorship and Rubén Beraja in the Menem period, president of Banco Mayo and later also of DAIA precisely when the Jewish community suffered two serious terrorist attacks.
Rabbi Blum, of Ashkenazi origin, had the support of the opening business elite led by the Teubal brothers and had a Judaic performance that transcended the limits of the Aleppo Congregation. He established close ties with the Perón government, being appointed advisor on religious matters by the then president.
It is interesting to note how the first Justicialist government, in a model that by paternalism and clientelism evoked certain traits known to the Judeo-Syrians when they were a minority in the Middle East, dared to intervene in Jewish community life not only through the appointment of Blum but also, for example, by encouraging the formation of an Argentine Israelite Organization (OIA) addicted, which had the consequence of providing an unprecedented degree of legitimation to the Jewish differential in Argentina.
It is worth highlighting the simultaneity of the greater visibility of the Syrian Jewish community and the public role of Rubén Beraja, coinciding with what the historian Gladys Jozami called "the return of the Turks" under the presidency of Menem.
Beyond the renown of the three figures mentioned as articulators with the national environment, perhaps others deserve more attention, more related to the endogroup but that transcended the Jewish-Syrian sphere. One of them was Jajam Shaul Sittheon Dabbah - who in 1928 articulated with the Lithuanian rabbi of the agricultural colonies of Santa Fe an interdiction to conversions in Argentina, which had the spiritual permission of Jerusalem and which still applies to orthodoxy. This edict, known as Diber Shaúl (commandment of Rabbi Shaúl) marked a very important milestone whose consequences are being felt up to the present in the controversy between orthodox and progressive sectors of the Jewish community regarding the conduct to be observed regarding phenomena such as the exogamy and conversions to Judaism in Argentina.
A second figure is that of the modernizing businessman Nissim Teubal, a prominent promoter of the Once neighborhood as an emporium of the textile industry and trade. His brother, Ezra Teubal, jumped the siege of the Jewish-Syrian sphere to promote from its beginnings the Masorti (conservative) religious movement in Argentina - of pan-Judaic orientation, that is, overcoming the intra-ethnic limits between Sephardic and Ashkenazi.
A third figure of enormous importance is that of Hacham Yitzchak Chehebar, the main promoter of the reinforcement of the Jewish-Syrian community walls ethnically and religiously through the strict observance of sabbath rest, the care of the rules of kashrut and a inflexible position before exogamy (N of R: in biology the term exogamy is used to refer to the crossing between individuals of different clan, group or race to diversify the offspring).
(*) Bargman, Daniel. Bibliographic comment on BRAUNER, Susana. "Religious Orthodoxy and Political Pragmatism - Jews of Syrian Origin." Lumiere. Buenos Aires, 2009. In: PROHAL MONOGRÁFICO, Magazine of the Latin American History Program. Vol. 2. First Section: Monographic Stained Glass No. 2. Ravignani Institute, Faculty of Philosophy and Letters, University of Buenos Aires. Buenos Aires, 2010. pp. 170-178.
Participation of Lebanese Syrian Jews in Argentine politics in the 1990s.
High traitor to the Homeland Carlos Saúl Menem:
Carlos Menem, is the son of Saúl Menehem and his mother Mohibe Akil, they arrived from Yabrud at the beginning of the century to settle in La Rioja. The surname "Menehem" is a variant of Menahem (e) -na-hem "comforter", and is a variant of Menachem (Hebrew). Menachem, is another variant of Najman (in Hebrew), like Menaheim. Other variants are: Manaén, Manah (Menan) For example: a prominent priest in the line of David was Menehem Bar Judas de Gamala. Son of: Judas de Gamala. Parents of: Menechem, Eucharia (Mathew Syrus's grandfather) Ref: “An Amazing Life” by Rich Van Winkle
In the 1989 elections, the justicialist presidential candidate, Carlos Saúl Menem, became the first acting president who officially visited the State of Israel, retired from the Non-Aligned, offered himself as a mediator in the Middle East conflict. and, in the Persian Gulf War, he broke with a long Argentine tradition of neutrality in international affairs, forming part of the contingent of twenty-eight nations that secured the embargo on the government of Saddam Hussein. It also suspended the Condor Plan, where Argentina was working with Egypt and Iran, and a heavy water contract for atomic purposes with Syria.
DAIA, still under the control of Ashkenazi leaders linked to the Labor Party, expressed their SATISFACTION with the president's foreign policy, establishing very good relations with the Menem administration. To such an extent that Menem was honored at an event organized by the main organizations of the community, "for having made possible the peace negotiations" that were taking place between Arabs and Israelis in Madrid.
Argentino Liniado, a well-known businessman of Syrian origin, even managed to devise a project to “renovate” the external facade of the National Congress, as an “altruistic gesture” to pay tribute to Dr. Menem: “For being the first Argentine President to visit Israel . For receiving the title Dr. Honoris Causa awarded by the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. For the impressive reception it had in New York by the Jewish community. "
Ref: "Identity and modes of political participation: Jewish Argentines of Syrian origin in the 90s" Susana Brauner
Ignacio Klich in his work "Arabs, Jews and Jewish Arabs in Argentina in the first half of the nineteenth century" narrates the relationship that existed between the institutions founded by Syrian Lebanese Jews:
Predecessor of the current Argentine-Arab Chamber of Commerce, the Syrian-Lebanese Chamber of Commerce was founded in July 1929, against the contrasting background of depression in the country and in the world, and tried to offer its members a level of stability ( …) Similar to the presence of Jewish Arabs among the Syrian Lebanese Bank shareholders and managers, the Chamber also included some of the most successful Jewish businessmen among the Syrian Lebanese: for example. Elías Teubal and Victor Yattah, particularly after the election of the new executive committee of the House in 1946.
(…) Without these being the only instances of this phenomenon, we must pay particular attention to the insertion of Jews in Syrian-Lebanese institutions in Entre Ríos, La Rioja and Córdoba. Thus, for example, at the beginning of 1947 the Syrian Lebanese Society of Paraná elected Israel Yuri as president, who had already held other management positions. In the previous decade, the Sociedad Unión Syria de La Rioja entrusted its treasury to Alejandro Bolomo, a Jew born in Turkey, on more than one occasion, the first time in June 1936. On a certain occasion, Bolomo was even succeeded in office. by Saúl Menem. Among other things, the latter means that whatever the veracity of the version according to which Carlos Saúl Menem's mother had resorted to a Jewish nurse to breastfeed him, social contacts with Israelite Mesoamericans were not alien to the generation of the older than the then Argentine president.
In Córdoba, the leadership of the Syrian Lebanese Society of the 1930s had also included Jews such as León Halac and Mauricio Levy. Member, prosecutor of the Treasury, and member of his pro-medical service commission, León was related to the aforementioned Salomón Halac, who held the presidency of the Israelite Syria Society of Córdoba and also represented that Jewish entity in the act of homage to the president of the Syrian Lebanese Society in 1941. Incidentally, the prominence of the HALAC in Syrian-Lebanese circles was openly recognized by several of its members. Just as the proud list of professionals of Syrian-Lebanese descent in the city of Córdoba, drawn up by a Maronite cleric in the 1920s, included a Dr. Elías Halac, who along with Dr. Alberto Chattas was among the physicians. willing to "provide free services for all the impoverished members of the Syrian-Lebanese community", the Siriolibanés Daily, in its edition of May 21, 1946, pointed out that the Halacs, a Syrian Jewish family, were "a source of pride for our community, given the social and recreational functions that most of these provincial societies ended up performing, regardless of the objectives promoted by their creators, these examples from La Rioja, Córdoba and Entre Ríos show the degree of socialization among the Meso-Orientals of all creeds in secondary cities and inland towns. In this regard it should not only be borne in mind that the house of the Syrian Lebanese Society of Cord oba also served temporarily as the headquarters of the Syrian Lebanese Club of that province, but that Society and Israelite Syria co-sponsored in 1946 the showing of an Egyptian film. It is not surprising, then, to find the names of Solomon Halac and Mauricio Levy on a marble plaque erected to remember the main donors who allowed to advance the cancellation date of the mortgage debt that had encumbered the property of the Syrian Lebanese Society since 1934.
This linkage of Syrian-Lebanese Jews to their countries of origin was seen by the most extremist Pan-Arab, Pansyrian and Muslim activists as a serious impediment to their attempts to achieve greater ascendancy among Syrian-Lebanese. Therefore, it is no coincidence that, immediately after World War II, Abdel Massih Haddad sought, from Paraná, support in other countries for his anti-Zionist campaign. During the war, Haddad claimed to have visited National Socialist Germany and Fascist Italy, from which he returned having collected a wealth of secret information about Zionist activities. Not surprisingly, his wartime propaganda work, which included appeals to the Argentine people to oppose Jewish immigration (as certain Arab sectors had done in the Middle East), has drawn the attention of the FBI. According to Haddad, enlisting the help of "dirty Arab merchants" in his long-awaited campaign against "wandering Jews" was futile. He even explained that this was due to the "Jewish soul" that nested in such Arabs from Argentina and to the commercial relations they maintained with the Zionists. Equally significant was the failure of the convocation of another Arab propagandist, Jawad Nadir. Former director of the Arabic section of the Siriolibanés daily, Nadir identified with the small - albeit politically active - Syrian Social Nationalist Party (PSNS). In 1946-47 Nadir tried to win support among the Syrian-Lebanese to force the Jewish Arabs to confront Zionism and get them to donate a significant sum to the Arab cause.
Norberto Noel in "Aires de Sefarad in Buenos Aires Sephardic Arab and Judeo-Arab stories and traditions in Argentina" adds:
These harmonious relationships were in the Jewish Arabs living in Buenos Aires, where, for example, José Jorge, like Azize, a native of Hama, held a management position in Honor y Patria, the Syrian-Lebanese club in Buenos Aires.
The list of members of the Syrian-Lebanese Social Circle also included eastern Sephardic Jews such as David and Mario Harari, Salomón Mahuas and Jak T. Mizrahi.
When in 1937, at the suggestion of the Syrian Lebanese Bank, the Syrian-Lebanese Chamber of Commerce, the Syrian-Lebanese Patronage, a banquet was offered to President Agustín P. Justo, (N of R: belonging to Freemasonry) for the success Against the anti-Arab campaign of the Argentine immigration authorities, in the organizing commission of the entertainment, there were more than ten Jews, Elías Teubal (vice president) and José Jorge (his treasurer) among the hundred participating members.
Fabián Spollansky in his book "The Jewish Mafia in Argentina" develops in detail the networks of the Jewish mafia with Menemism:
Privatizations do much more than run public services, run businesses, and capture profits: they are a way of seizing, exercising, and maintaining power.
The Argentina of the 1990s, where privatizations played a central role and the sale of public assets meant establishing a relationship of domination over society and the State, is a clear example. State-owned steel, chemical and petrochemical complexes were privatized, energy was also privatized. In the financial sector, the National Savings and Insurance Fund, the National Mortgage Bank and numerous provincial banks were privatized, and the National Development Bank was dissolved. What was all this for? Above all, to privatize power and remove it from any possibility of democratic transformation. This implies the management by private oligopolistic groups of fundamental variables of the economy: setting prices and rates; quantity of supplies; technology transfer and information provision. With these instruments, these groups determine who gets the economic surplus. Coups d'état are no longer necessary, market coups are enough (debt, dollar, now fees).
The performance of the Zang gang and the Elsztain-Mindlin mafia was not simply the organization of a management apparatus, but the founding of a large-scale mafia with control of very large spaces of power, even with territorial incidence, in terms of real estate values. that reach large landowners dimensions.
NOTE: Although Spollansky bravely exposes the arguments that show the concentration of national territory in the hands of Jews, in the same paragraph he warns about the reactions that could reissue "ideological prejudices such as the Andinia Plan" and "other propaganda manipulations of the extreme right and Nazism ". Note that the information always ends with the "anti-Semitic warning" towards the "poor Jews." Observe instead in the following reports below, the worrying reality called "conspiracy" by Jews and the mass media, about the sale of land to "foreigners", the maps drawn with the various "flags" representing the nationality of said investors and the only irrefutable truth: the mega exchanges in exchange for national territory "The Andinia Plan" and the very serious connotations that this entails:
On the scandalous privatizations Spollansky continues in "The Jewish Mafia in Argentina:
It is the former Banco Hipotecario Nacional (BHN), today Banco Hipotecario SA (BH). In 1987 the World Bank advised the government of Raúl Alfonsín to liquidate it and close it due to its high corruption and inefficiency. (as if privatizing it had been the "magic" solution to the problem of corruption), and turning it into a wholesale or second-tier bank, a law finally passed in 1992.
Along this path, the BHN closed 60% of its branches, from 53 to 24. It dedicated itself to recovering the portfolio of defaulters, and was orienting its policy towards wholesale banking. It reduced its staff from the almost 7,000 employees it had in the Alfonsín years to 1,300 in 1993.
Between 1983 and 1989 it was more than a bank a real committee, gnocchi included. In addition to some operations designed to "rent" wills of judges, legislators, journalists, artists, etc. as was the case with the well-known Operation 830, and the almost unknown Operation HN 700. All this manipulation almost made the BHN bankrupt, which was saved with a great financial sacrifice and that of its own employees.
How was the Banco Hipotecario gifted?
Pablo Espartaco Rojo (N of the R "Roth" was the one who put the bow on the gift: 1,200 million by the Mortgage Bank. The first round of sale concluded on January 25, 1999. In the City the business was laughable. The world knew about the gift and the recipients of the gift.
On January 29, the shares were put up for sale. They were launched by the Soros group (actually the Elsztain-Mindlin-Zang mafia and company with the Soros mask). Also Open Market.
The 150 million shares at $ 8 were priced at $ 1.2 billion. In 1998 the Bank's net worth was $ 2.39 billion, exactly double that. That's why everyone in the City said: "They are selling it at half price ...". At that time the French, the River and the Galicia were worth on average 70% more than their own heritage.
Red Spartacus justified the gift, in questions that he considered basic:
1. The amount of 2,400 million in mortgage loans granted before 1989, for which the Bank received an annual rate between 7% and 9% per year.
2. The privatization contract required the Bank to assign 10% to small municipalities.
3. Had to set aside 2% of income to protect low-income families in delinquency situations.
4. It had a bad debt of 13.8%. Of course it was a guaranteed portfolio ...
The business was good for the following reasons:
1. It had pricing power in the economy because it led a sector with very strong growth.
2. Originated a third of the mortgages.
3. Had 26% of the mortgage loans.
4. In Argentina, mortgages represented 4% of GDP at that time.
5. He had $ 160 million a year in dividends. This meant a rate of return greater than 10% on the investment.
6. The Mortgage was related to important real estate projects.
7. Led the mortgage-related life insurance business. Until 2007 it would be the only bank authorized to grant policies.
8. The Bank came from good management and was a brand of great importance and old prestige.
9. The Mortgage had been a forerunner in the task of securitizing mortgages, placing bonds with portfolio guarantee.
The big business was the shareholding organization:
1. The State would have the majority of the share capital entitled to dividends. This meant that it held 42% of the class A share package.
2. Investors would have class D shares, which meant 3 votes per share and the security of being able to appoint 8 of the 13 directors.
3. The B shares would constitute 5% of the capital and would belong to the Bank's staff (joint ownership program).
4. C shares would belong to construction companies and real estate firms.
The privatization law gave the State 10 years of veto power for decisions that had to do with:
1. Mergers.
2. Change of object.
3. Transfer of headquarters abroad.
Where did the 1,200 million dollars come from to pay for the purchase of 25% of the shares of Banco Hipotecario Nacional today BHSA?
This is a description of how they managed to raise the money to give back to Soros, who at the time was the one who put the money to buy or privatize the BHN.
In other words, the Gang did not put a penny to keep one of Grandma's most precious treasures.
The money (the 1,200 M dollars was put by Soros) to buy 25%, and they got it through Soros, and from there they put together a strategy to strip Soros of the BHSA and stay with the management by returning the money to Soros (1,200 million dollars) always without putting a penny, and to be able to do so they invent the famous Negotiable Obligations issued by the BHSA for the value of the debt they had with Soros, where until now and except for hundreds of bankruptcy requests they have returned some money that is tiny, but returned by the Bank, that is, they did not put a coin to stay with the BHSA: they handle it and empty it at will.
With this it is clear that to stay with the management of the BHSA the current holders of the minority called IRSA group did not put a coin, instead they took it all and they are going to continue taking it.
Apart from that, they did not pay any of the overdue negotiable obligations, they were paid by the BHSA and entered into what is called APE (Extra-bankruptcy Preventive Agreement), determining that they would initiate a striking number of bankruptcy requests, among which is that of many Jews that remind me of the money deposits in the Mayo Bank, also money that almost all Jews put in with the desire to get some advantage and that of course they are not going to collect them, as in the Mayo Bank and the Patricios.
At this point there is a question: Does this mafia kill?
The answer is that you not only kill yourself with gunshots, but also steal people's lifelong savings by taking it out of them at a stroke, money saved for illness, travel, business, the future, retiring with those monies, etc. Many people went crazy after the fall of the banks, especially the Jewish banks in Argentina such as Mayo, El Patricios, and without going into mentioning the previous ones because of the actions of these mobsters who have no mercy.
The APE was lost in the first and second instance, and it is currently in the Supreme Court of Justice, but in my opinion without any indication that it has a different result from the first and second instance.
This issue of Negotiable Obligations that happens is precisely for the amount that Soros put up of US $ 1,200,000,000 for the purchase of the BHN, it is coincident with the purchase value of the shares for 25%. This is what makes Elsztain no longer need Soros in business. From there to the fight it was a matter of waiting and not long.
Within the definition of mafia we see and learn that the codes are not respected once the expected results are obtained. And what a result ... The Gang Elsztain-Míndlin without Soros's money could not reach even one per thousand of the BHN, but once the BHSA is obtained, see how Soros fared, and how the other partners in the different businesses that these gangsters carry out.
JEWISH BANKRUPTCY
One thing that the media does not tell is that the Argentine crisis began when two banks fell into bankruptcy in 1998, due to the criminal actions of their owners. The Jewish World Congress wrote: “Two banks, run almost entirely by Jewish financiers, have collapsed. The Banco de Patricios was frozen by the Central Bank in February 1998, so the Banco de Mayo tried to save it in September of this year. (1998), Banco de Mayo went bankrupt ”. (World Jewish Congress, Depesch 34, 1998).
The two banks were owned by Jews, of which, the last and most important of the Jew RUBEN BERAJA, "a leader" (for the Jewish people) with a great record of aid activities, president of the Latin American Jewish World Congress. crisis has left his post as head of DAIA (Delegation of Israelite Associations), an organization related to B'nai B'rith. ”(Jewish World Congress, depesch 34, 1998) Two other banks later collapsed due to corruption : Banco Israelita de Córdoba in February 1999 and Banco Israelita de Rosario in March of the same year. Naturally these banks were owned by Jews. Beraja left the DAIA, but continued in other positions of influence such as the "World Council for the education of the Torah ”, as spokesperson for the University of Ver-Illian and as auxiliary spokesperson for the World Jewish Congress. When the most powerful world Jewish organizations accused Switzerland of having many accounts of Jews who died between the years 1933 and 194 5, a commission was made under the "modest" name of the "Independent Committee of Eminent Persons," made up of Swiss bankers and prominent Jews. One of the three Jewish representatives was Ruben Beraja, while the others were the Vice President of the World Jewish Council Ronald Lauder, and the spokesman of the Jewish Body of Israel Abraham Burg. When the investigation ended, out of 6,858,116 bank accounts, 1,200 belonged to Jews, who for some reason died between 1933 and 1945. Beraja simultaneously prepared a multimillion-dollar claim to Argentina (his own country?), Because it is assumed that he received gold from Germany supposedly stolen from Jews.
MONEY LAUNDERING AND DRUG BUSINESS
Beraja was not only the head of all Jews from Tijuana to Cabo de Hornos, he owned the largest network of banks in Argentina, Banco de Mayo, and money laundering for the corrupt Argentine government in drugs and weapons. With his speculative eagerness he went bankrupt, leaving thousands of Argentines without his savings. The Jewish newspaper “Jerusalem Post” wrote: “During March and April 1998, the president of Argentina (of Syrian origin) Carlos Saul Menem, laundered 322 million dollars from the arms deal with Croatia and Ecuador with the help of the Bank of Mayo Beraja ".
According to the Jewish journalist Horacio Lutsky, this business helped Beraja stay afloat. Another Jewish journalist, Larry Levy, affirms that the contact between Beraja and Menem was the Jew CARLOS CORACH, Minister of the Interior from 1994 to 1999 ”. (The Jerusalem Report, 2000). Beraja, speculating with the Bank of May lost about 200 million dollars. (Forward, June 4, 1999). One reason for the collapse of the Argentine economy was Beraja's illegal activities. Thousands of savers, some of them Jewish, suddenly lost all their savings. Beraja's explanation for all this was "anti-Semitism." When the spokesman for the Central Bank, Pedro Fou, as a result of what happened, said: "Jews should not run banks", was denounced by Beraja and had little to resign. Fou's words upset Jews around the world, but no one criticized Beraja for his dirty deeds. Not even the Jewish World Congress saw any problem in having a character like Beraja to represent the Jews.1
(*) The Jews: the true owners of Argentina, by Meister Eckehart
CONCLUSION
Antisemitic government in Argentina? (The Jews: The True Owners of Argentina, by Meister Eckehart)
When the "Syrian" Menem was elected president of Argentina, many Jews feared for his possible "anti-Semitism." Menem soon converted from Islam to Catholicism, and those who feared for his possible anti-Semitism were wrong. His two closest advisers were the Jews SAMUEL MUZYKANSKY and MOISÉS IKONICOFF, as Minister of the Interior he appointed CARLOS CORACH. In Justice to the Jew ELIAS JASSAN. Menem followed the "tradition" of placing Jews in positions of power. The party of his predecessor Raul Alfonsín, the Radical Party, was known as the “Radical Synagogue”. He motivated the strong representation of Jews in the new government.
The Jew CESAR JAROSLAVSKY was spokesman for the Radical Party, the Jew ADOLFO STUBRIN Minister of Education, the Jew MANUEL SADOSKI Minister of Technology and Science, the Jew MARCOS AGUINUS Minister of Culture and main adviser to the president, the Jew ROBERTO SCHTEINGART in Information and Development, the Jew OSCAR OSZLAK in Research and Administrative Reform, the Jew JACOBO FITERMAN, leader of the Zionist organization, was chief of the Buenos Aires officials. As much of the current catastrophe has to do with these times, it should be noted that the Jew LEOPOLDO PORTNOY was appointed Vice President of the Central Bank, the Jew MARIO BRODERSOHN was Minister of Finance, the Jew BERNARDO GRINSPUN was Minister of Economy. Before GRISPUN, the Jew JOSE BER GELBARD was Minister of the Economy. Among the laws enacted by the "Radical Synagogue" is that of 1988 that prohibits "anti-Semitism", law 23,692.
This law came in handy when the banking scandals began. In 1970, of the 242 banks in Argentina, half were owned by Jews. (It would be interesting to know the influence of the Jews on the other half). Something exceptional when the Jewish population of Argentina was 0.5% of the population. Jewish author JUDITH ELKIN recounts in a recent book the “contribution” of Jews to the current crisis in Latin America. (The Jews of Latin America, p. 165).
ELKIN refers to BERAJA, the Banco de Patricios and Banco de Mayo. The military junta that led Argentina from 1976 to 1983 is highly criticized today. In the period of the Dirty War, 7,000 to 15,000 people disappeared, of whom 1,000 to 3,000 were Jews. The disappeared were mostly from Marxist organizations, and the relative number of Jews is explained by the fact that they were highly represented in these organizations. Nobody remembers the large number of bank robberies, kidnappings, attacks and at least 676 murders committed by Marxists (in Spain Marxist terrorist groups do the same thing), before the military took power in Argentina. The Board hit hard and effective. The most violent of the Marxist organizations was the Montoneros, where there were many Jews. The group was behind the death of General Pedro Aramburu, who led the country from 1955 to 1958. The Montoneros' economy was led by the Jew DAVID GRAIVER who in Panama deceived many investors for some 20 million dollars in a non-existent company, New Loring. From there he went to the USA where with another Jew, PHILIP KLUNZNICK founded the bank American Bank & Trust from where he left with some 50 million dollars swindling. KLUNTZICK was a spokesperson for the Jewish Zionist organization B'nai B'rith, spokesperson for the World Jewish Congress and founder of the powerful “Presidents of Jewish Major Organizations” and the “United Jewish Appeal”. During the 1980s he was considered the most powerful Jew on earth. He was involved in the Oak Ridge Atomic Center and in addition to banking business, he made a fortune in real estate pensions. Despite the dealings with GRAIVER, he was appointed Minister of Commerce in 1979. Part of the money stolen by GRAIVER went to the Montoneros. GRAIVER laundered money from robberies and kidnappings. This was discovered when GRAIVER died in a plane crash in 1977. Shortly afterwards his banks in the USA, Switzerland and Belgium went bankrupt. GRAIVER owned 45% of the newspaper La Opinion, the rest of the shares belonged to the Jew JACOBO TIMERMAN. He was locked up for his anti-nationalist activity but was released after "pressure from abroad" and emigrated to Israel.
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